north america-2- 第76部分

view　of　criticising；　I　have　been　happy　and　comfortable　with　them；　and　for　me　that　has　been　sufficient。　　In　speaking　of　social　success　I　allude　to　their　success　in　private　life　as　distinguished　from　that　which　they　have　achieved　in　public　life；　to　their　successes　in　commerce；　in　mechanics；　in　the　comforts　and　luxuries　of　life；　in　physic　and　all　that　leads　to　the　solace　of　affliction；　in　literature；　and　I　may　add　also；　considering　the　youth　of　the　nation；　in　the　arts。　　We　are；　I　think；　bound　to　acknowledge　that　they　have　succeeded。　　And　if　they　have　succeeded；　it　is　vain　for　us　to　say　that　a　system　is　wrong　which　has；　at　any　rate；　admitted　of　such　success。　　That　which　was　wanted　from　some　form　of　government；　has　been　obtained　with　much　more　than　average　excellence；　and　therefore　the　form　adopted　has　approved　itself　as　good。　　You　may　explain　to　a　farmer's　wife；　with　indisputable　logic；　that　her　churn　is　a　bad　churn；　but　as　long　as　she　turns　out　butter　in　greater　quantity；　in　better　quality；　and　with　more　profit　than　her　neighbors；　you　will　hardly　induce　her　to　change　it。　　It　may　be　that　with　some　other　churn　she　might　have　done　even　better；　but；　under　such　circumstances；　she　will　have　a　right　to　think　well　of　the　churn　she　uses。　The　American　Constitution　is　now；　I　think；　at　the　crisis　of　its　severest　trial。　　I　conceive　it　to　be　by　no　means　perfect；　even　for　the　wants　of　the　people　who　use　it；　and　I　have　already　endeavored　to　explain　what　changes　it　seems　to　need。　　And　it　has　had　this　defect　that　it　has　permitted　a　falling　away　from　its　intended　modes　of　action；　while　its　letter　has　been　kept　sacred。　　As　I　have　endeavored　to　show；　universal　suffrage　and　democratic　action　in　the　Senate　were　not　intended　by　the　framers　of　the　Constitution。　　In　this　respect　the　Constitution　has；　as　it　were；　fallen　through；　and　it　is　needed　that　its　very　beams　should　be　restrengthened。　　There　are　also　other　matters　as　to　which　it　seems　that　some　change　is　indispensable。　　So　much　I　have　admitted。　　But；　not　the　less；　judging　of　it　by　the　entirety　of　the　work　that　it　has　done；　I　think　that　we　are　bound　to　own　that　it　has　been　successful。　And　now；　with　regard　to　this　tedious　war；　of　which　from　day　to　day　we　are　still；　in　this　month　of　May；　1862；　hearing　details　which　teach　us　to　think　that　it　can　hardly　as　yet　be　near　its　end。　　To　what　may　we　rationally　look　as　its　result？　　Of　one　thing　I　myself　feel　tolerably　certain；　that　its　result　will　not　be　nothing；　as　some　among　us　have　seemed　to　suppose　may　be　probable。　　I　cannot　believe　that　all　this　energy　on　the　part　of　the　North　will　be　of　no　avail；　more　than　I　suppose　that　Southern　perseverance　will　be　of　no　avail。　There　are　those　among　us　who　say　that　a　secession　will　at　last　be　accomplished；　the　North　should　have　yielded　to　the　South　at　once；　and　that　nothing　will　be　gained　by　their　great　expenditure　of　life　and　treasure。　　I　can　by　no　means　bring　myself　to　agree　with　these。　I　also　look　to　the　establishment　of　secession。　　Seeing　how　essential　and　thorough　are　the　points　of　variance　between　the　North　and　the　South；　how　unlike　the　one　people　is　to　the　other；　and　how　necessary　it　is　that　their　policies　should　be　different；　seeing　how　deep　are　their　antipathies；　and　how　fixed　is　each　side　in　the　belief　of　its　own　rectitude　and　in　the　belief　also　of　the　other's　political　baseness；　I　can　not　believe　that　the　really　Southern　States　will　ever　again　be　joined　in　amicable　union　with　those　of　the　North。　They；　the　States　of　the　Gulf；　may　be　utterly　subjugated；　and　the　North　may　hold　over　them　military　power。　　Georgia　and　her　sisters　may　for　awhile　belong　to　the　Union；　as　one　conquered　country　belongs　to　another。　　But　I　do　not　think　that　they　will　ever　act　with　the　Union；　and；　as　I　imagine；　the　Union　before　long　will　agree　to　a　separation。　　I　do　not　mean　to　prophesy　that　the　result　will　be　thus　accomplished。　　It　may　be　that　the　South　will　effect　their　own　independence　before　they　lay　down　their　arms。　　I　think；　however；　that　we　may　look　forward　to　such　independence；　whether　it　be　achieved　in　that　way；　or　in　this；　or　in　some　other。　But　not　on　that　account　will　the　war　have　been　of　no　avail　to　the　North。　　I　think　it　must　be　already　evident　to　all　those　who　have　looked　into　the　matter；　that　had　the　North　yielded　to　the　first　call　made　by　the　South　for　secession　all　the　slave　States　must　have　gone。　Maryland　would　have　gone；　carrying　Delaware　in　its　arms；　and　if　Maryland；　all　south　of　Maryland。　　If　Maryland　had　gone；　the　capital　would　have　gone。　　If　the　government　had　resolved　to　yield；　Virginia　to　the　east　would　assuredly　have　gone；　and　I　think　there　can　be　no　doubt　that　Missouri；　to　the　west；　would　have　gone　also。　　The　feeling　for　the　Union　in　Kentucky　was　very　strong；　but　I　do　not　think　that　even　Kentucky　could　have　saved　itself。　　To　have　yielded　to　the　Southern　demands　would　have　been　to　have　yielded　everything。　　But　no　man　now　presumes；　let　the　contest　go　as　it　will；　that　Maryland　and　Delaware　will　go　with　the　South。　　The　secessionists　of　Baltimore　do　not　think　so；　nor　the　gentlemen　and　ladies　of　Washington；　whose　whole　hearts　are　in　the　Southern　cause。　　No　man　thinks　that　Maryland　will　go；　and　few；　I　believe；　imagine　that　either　Missouri　or　Kentucky　will　be　divided　from　the　North。　　I　will　not　pretend　what　may　be　the　exact　line；　but　I　myself　feel　confident　that　it　will　run　south　both　of　Virginia　and　of　Kentucky。　If　the　North　do　conquer　the　South；　and　so　arrange　their　matters　that　the　Southern　States　shall　again　become　members　of　the　Union；　it　will　be　admitted　that　they　have　done　all　that　they　ought　to　do。　　If　they　do　not　do　thisif　instead　of　doing　this；　which　would　be　all　that　they　desire；　they　were　in　truth　to　do　nothing；　to　win　finally　not　one　foot　of　ground　from　the　Southa　supposition　which　I　regard　as　impossibleI　think　that　we　should　still　admit　after　awhile　that　they　had　done　their　duty　in　endeavoring　to　maintain　the　integrity　of　the　empire。　　But　if；　as　a　third　and　more　probable　alternative；　they　succeed　in　rescuing　from　the　South　and　from　slavery　four　or　five　of　the　finest　States　of　the　old　Unionand　a　vast　portion　of　the　continent　to　be　beaten　by　none　other　in　salubrity；　fertility；　beauty；　and　political　importancewill　it　not　then　be　admitted　that　the　war　has　done　some　good；　and　that　the　life　and　treasure　have　not　been　spent　in　vain？　That　is　the　termination　of　the　contest　to　which　I　look　forward。　　I　think　that　there　will　be　secession；　but　that　the　terms　of　secession　will　be　dictated　by　the　North；　not　by　the　South；　and　among　these　terms　I　expect　to　see　an　escape　from　slavery　for　those　border　States　to　which　I　have　alluded。　　In　that　proposition　which　in　February　last　（1862）　was　made　by　the　President；　and　which　has　since　been　sanctioned　by　the　Senate；　I　think　we　may　see　the　first　step　toward　this　measure。　　It　may　probably　be　the　case　that　many　of　the　slaves　will　be　driven　South；　that　as　the　owners　of　those　slaves　are　driven　from　their　holdings　in　Virginia　they　will　take　their　slaves　with　them；　or　send　them　before　them。　　The　manumission；　when　it　reaches　Virginia；　will　not　probably　enfranchise　the　half　million　of　slaves　who；　in　1860；　were　counted　among　its　population。　　But　as　to　that　I　confess　myself　to　be　comparatively　careless；　it　is　not　the　concern　which　I　have　now　at　heart。　　For　myself；　I　shall　feel　satisfied　if　that　manumission　shall　reach　the　million　of　whites　by　whom　Virginia　is　populated；　or　if　not　that　million　in　its　integrity；　then　that　other　million　by　which　its　rich　soil　would　soon　be　tenanted。　　There　are　now　about　four　million　of　white　men　and　women　inhabiting　the　slave　States　which　I　have　described；　and　I　think　it　will　be　acknowledged　that　the　Northern　States　will　have　done　something　with　their　armies　if　they　succeed　in　rescuing　those　four　millions　from　the　stain　and　evil　of　slavery。　There　is　a　third　question　which　I　have　asked　myself；　and　to　which　I　have　undertaken　to　give　some　answer。　　When　this　war　be　over　between　the　Northern　and　Southern　States；　will　there　come　upon　us　a　necessity　of　fighting　with　the　Americans？　　If　there　do　come　such　necessity；　arising　out　of　our　conduct　to　the　States　during　the　period　of　their　civil　war；　it　will　indeed　be　hard　upon　us；　as　a　nation；　seeing　the　struggle　that　we　as　a　nation　have　made　to　be　just　in　our　dealings　toward　the　States　generally；　whether　they　be　North　or　South。　　To　be　just　in　such　a　period；　and　under　such　circumstances；　is　very　difficult。　　In　that　contest　between　Sardinia　and　Austria　it　was　all　but　impossible　to　be　just　to　the　Italians　without　being　unjust　to　the　Emperor　of　Austria。　　To　have　been　strictly　just　at　the　moment　one　should　have　begun　by　confessing　the　injustice　of　so　much　that　had　gone　before！　　But　in　this　American　contest　such　justice；　though　difficult；　was　easier。　　Affairs　of　trade　rather　than　of　treaties　chiefly　interfered；　and　these　affairs；　by　a　total　disregard　of　our　own　pecuniary　interests；　could　be　so　managed　that　justice　might　be　done。　　This　I　think　was　effected。　　It　may　be；　of　course；　that　I　am　prejudiced　on　the　side　of　my　own　nation；　but　striving　to　judge　of　the　matter　as　best　I　may　without　prejudice；　I　cannot　see　that　we；　as　a　nation；　have　in　aught　offended　against　the　strictest　justice　in　our　dealings　with　America　during　this　contest。　　But　justice　has　not　sufficed。　　I　do　not　know　that　our　bitterest　foes　in　the　Northern　States　have　accused　us　of　acting　unjustly。　　It　is　not　justice　which　they　have　looked　for　at　our　hands；　and　looked　for　in　vainnot　justice；　but　generosity！　　We　have　not；　as　they　say；　sympathized　with　them　in　their　trouble。　　It　seems　to　me　that　such　a　complaint　is　unworthy　of　them　as　a　nation；　as　a　people；　or　as　individuals。　　In　such　a　matter　generosity　is　another　name　for　injustice；　as　it　too　often　is　in　all　matters。　　A　generous　sympathy　with　the　North　would　have　been　an　ostensible　and　crushing　enmity　to　the　South。　　We　could　not　have　sympathized　with　the　North　without　condemning　the　South；　and　telling　to　the　world　that　the　South　were　our　enemies。　　In　ordering　his　own　household　a　man　should　not　want　generosity　or　sympathy　from　the　outside；　and　if　not　a　man；　then　certainly　not　a　nation。　　Generosity　between　nations　must　in　its　very　nature　be　wrong。　　One　nation　may　be　just　to　another；　courteous　to　another；　even　considerate　to　another　with　propr