north america-2- 第48部分

he　States。　　The　pranks　which　he　played　were　absurd；　and　the　arrests　which　he　made　were　grievous。　　After　awhile；　when　it　became　manifest　that　Mr。　Seward　had　not　found　a　way　to　success；　when　it　was　seen　that　he　had　inaugurated　no　great　mode　of　putting　down　rebellion；　he　apparently　lost　his　power　in　the　cabinet。　　The　arrests　ceased；　the　passports　were　discontinued；　and　the　prison　doors　were　gradually　opened。　　Mr。　Seward　was　deposed；　not　from　the　cabinet；　but　from　the　premiership　of　the　cabinet。　　The　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus　was　not　countermanded；　but　the　operation　of　the　suspension　was　allowed　to　become　less　and　less　onerous；　and　now；　in　April；　1862；　within　a　year　of　the　commencement　of　the　suspension；　it　has；　I　think；　nearly　died　out。　　The　object　in　hand　now　is　rather　that　of　getting　rid　of　political　prisoners　than　of　taking　others。　This　assumption　by　the　government　of　an　unconstitutional　power　has；　as　I　have　said；　taught　many　lookers　on　to　think　that　the　Americans　are　indifferent　to　their　liberties。　　I　myself　do　not　believe　that　such　a　conclusion　would　be　just。　　During　the　present　crisis　the　strong　feeling　of　the　peoplethat　feeling　which　for　the　moment　has　been　dominanthas　been　one　in　favor　of　the　government　as　against　rebellion。　　There　has　been　a　passionate　resolution　to　support　the　nationality　of　the　nation。　　Men　have　felt　that　they　must　make　individual　sacrifices；　and　that　such　sacrifices　must　include　a　temporary　suspension　of　some　of　their　constitutional　rights。　　But　I　think　that　this　temporary　suspension　is　already　regarded　with　jealous　eyes；　with　an　increasing　jealousy　which　will　have　created　a　reaction　against　such　policy　as　that　which　Mr。　Seward　has　attemped；　long　before　the　close　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　Presidency。　　I　know　that　it　is　wrong　in　a　writer　to　commit　himself　to　prophecies；　but　I　find　it　impossible　to　write　upon　this　subject　without　doing　so。　　As　I　must　express　a　surmise　on　this　subject；　I　venture　to　prophesy　that　the　Americans　of　the　States　will　soon　show　that　they　are　not　indifferent　to　the　suspension　of　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus。　　On　that　matter　of　the　illegality　of　the　suspension　by　the　President；　I　feel　in　my　own　mind　that　there　is　no　doubt。　The　second　article　of　the　Constitution　treats　of　the　executive；　and　is　very　short。　　It　places　the　whole　executive　power　in　the　hands　of　the　President；　and　explains　with　more　detail　the　mode　in　which　the　President　shall　be　chosen　than　the　manner　after　which　the　duties　shall　be　performed。　　The　first　section　states　that　the　executive　shall　be　vested　in　a　President；　who　shall　hold　his　office　for　four　years。　　With　him　shall　be　chosen　a　Vice…President。　　I　may　here　explain　that　the　Vice…President；　as　such；　has　no　power　either　political　or　administrative。　　He　is；　ex…officio；　the　Speaker　of　the　Senate；　and　should　the　President　die；　or　be　by　other　cause　rendered　unable　to　act　as　President；　the　Vice…President　becomes　President　either　for　the　remainder　of　the　presidential　term　or　for　the　period　of　the　President's　temporary　absence。　　Twice；　since　the　Constitution　was　written；　the　President　has　died　and　the　Vice…President　has　taken　his　place。　　No　President　has　vacated　his　position；　even　for　a　period；　through　any　cause　other　than　death。　Then　come　the　rules　under　which　the　President　and　Vice…President　shall　be　electedwith　reference　to　which　there　has　been　an　amendment　of　the　Constitution　subsequent　to　the　fourth　Presidential　election。　　This　was　found　to　be　necessary　by　the　circumstances　of　the　contest　between　John　Adams；　Thomas　Jefferson；　and　Aaron　Burr。　It　was　then　found　that　the　complications　in　the　method　of　election　created　by　the　original　clause　were　all　but　unendurable；　and　the　Constitution　was　amended。　I　will　not　describe　in　detail　the　present　mode　of　election；　as　the　doing　so　would　be　tedious　and　unnecessary。　　Two　facts　I　wish；　however；　to　make　specially　noticeable　and　clear。　　The　first　is；　that　the　President　of　the　United　States　is　now　chosen　by　universal　suffrage；　and　the　second　is；　that　the　Constitution　expressly　intended　that　the　President　should　not　be　chosen　by　universal　suffrage；　but　by　a　body　of　men　who　should　enjoy　the　confidence　and　fairly　represent　the　will　of　the　people。　　The　framers　of　the　Constitution　intended　so　to　write　the　words　that　the　people　themselves　should　have　no　more　immediate　concern　in　the　nomination　of　the　President　than　in　that　of　the　Senate。　　They　intended　to　provide　that　the　election　should　be　made　in　a　manner　which　may　be　described　as　thoroughly　conservative。　　Those　words；　however；　have　been　inefficient　for　their　purpose。　　They　have　not　been　violated。　But　the　spirit　has　been　violated；　while　the　words　have　been　held　sacred；　and　the　presidential　elections　are　now　conducted　on　the　widest　principles　of　universal　suffrage。　　They　are　essentially　democratic。　The　arrangement；　as　written　in　the　Constitution；　is　that　each　State　shall　appoint　a　body　of　electors　equal　in　number　to　the　Senators　and　Representatives　sent　by　that　State　to　Congress；　and　that　thus　a　body　or　college　of　electors　shall　be　formed　equal　in　number　to　the　two　joint　Houses　of　Congress；　by　which　the　President　shall　be　elected。　No　member　of　Congress；　however；　can　be　appointed　an　elector。　　Thus　New　York；　with　thirty…three　Representatives　in　the　Lower　House；　would　name　thirty…five　electors；　and　Rhode　Island；　with　two　members　in　the　Lower　House；　would　name　four　electorsin　each　case　two　being　added　for　the　two　Senators。　It　may；　perhaps；　be　doubted　whether　this　theory　of　an　election　by　electors　has　ever　been　truly　carried　out。　　It　was　probably　the　case　even　at　the　election　of　the　first　Presidents　after　Washington；　that　the　electors　were　pledged　in　some　informal　way　as　to　the　candidate　for　whom　they　should　vote；　but　the　very　idea　of　an　election　by　electors　has　been　abandoned　since　the　Presidency　of　General　Jackson。　According　to　the　theory　of　the　Constitution；　the　privilege　and　the　duty　of　selecting　a　best　man　as　President　was　to　be　delegated　to　certain　best　men　chosen　for　that　purpose。　　This　was　the　intention　of　those　who　framed　the　Constitution。　　It　may；　as　I　have　said；　be　doubted　whether　this　theory　has　ever　availed　for　action；　but　since　the　days　of　Jackson　it　has　been　absolutely　abandoned。　　The　intention　was　sufficiently　conservative。　　The　electors　to　whom　was　to　be　confided　this　great　trust；　were　to　be　chosen　in　their　own　States　as　each　State　might　think　fit。　　The　use　of　universal　suffrage　for　this　purpose　was　neither　enjoined　nor　forbidden　in　the　separate　States　was　neither　treated　as　desirable　or　undesirable　by　the　Constitution。　Each　State　was　left　to　judge　how　it　would　elect　its　own　electors。　But　the　President　himself　was　to　be　chosen　by　those　electors　and　not　by　the　people　at　large。　　The　intention　is　sufficiently　conservative；　but　the　intention　is　not　carried　out。　The　electors　are　still　chosen　by　the　different　States　in　conformity　with　the　bidding　of　the　Constitution。　　The　Constitution　is　exactly　followed　in　all　its　biddings；　as　far　as　the　wording　of　it　is　concerned；　but　the　whole　spirit　of　the　document　has　been　evaded　in　the　favor　of　democracy；　and　universal　suffrage　in　the　presidential　elections　has　been　adopted。　　The　electors　are　still　chosen；　it　is　true；　but　they　are　only　chosen　as　the　mouth…piece　of　the　people's　choice；　and　not　as　the　mind　by　which　that　choice　shall　be　made。　　We　have　all　heard　of　Americans　voting　for　a　ticketfor　the　Democratic　ticket；　or　the　Republican　ticket。　　All　political　voting　in　the　States　is　now　managed　by　tickets。　　As　regards　these　presidential　elections；　each　party　decides　on　a　candidate。　　Even　this　primary　decision　is　a　matter　of　voting　among　the　party　itself。　　When　Mr。　Lincoln　was　nominated　as　its　candidate　by　the　republican　party；　the　names　of　no　less　than　thirteen　candidates　were　submitted　to　the　delegates　who　were　sent　to　a　convention　at　Chicago；　assembled　for　the　purpose　of　fixing　upon　a　candidate。　　At　that　convention　Mr。　Lincoln　was　chosen　as　the　Republican　candidate　and　in　that　convention　was　in　fact　fought　the　battle　which　was　won　in　Mr。　Lincoln's　favor；　although　that　convention　was　what　we　may　call　a　private　arrangement；　wholly　irrespective　of　any　constitutional　enactment。　　Mr。　Lincoln　was　then　proclaimed　as　the　Republican　candidate；　and　all　Republicans　were　held　as　bound　to　support　him。　When　the　time　came　for　the　constitutional　election　of　the　electors；　certain　names　were　got　together　in　each　State　as　representing　the　Republican　interest。　　These　names　formed　the　Republican　ticket；　and　any　man　voting　for　them　voted　in　fact　for　Lincoln。　　There　were　three　other　parties；　each　represented　by　a　candidate；　and　each　had　its　own　ticket　in　the　different　States。　　It　is　not　to　be　supposed　that　the　supporters　of　Mr。　Lincoln　were　very　anxious　about　their　ticket　in　Alabama；　or　those　of　Mr。　Breckinridge　as　to　theirs　in　Massachusetts。　In　Alabama；　a　Democratic　slave　ticket　would；　of　course；　prevail。　　In　Massachusetts；　a　Republican　free…soil　ticket　would　do　so。　　But　it　may；　I　think；　be　seen　that　in　this　way　the　electors　have　in　reality　ceased　to　have　any　weight　in　the　electionshave　in　very　truth　ceased　to　have　the　exercise　of　any　will　whatever。　　They　are　mere　names；　and　no　more。　　Stat　nominis　umbra。　　The　election　of　the　President　is　made　by　universal　suffrage；　and　not　by　a　college　of　electors。　　The　words　as　they　are　written　are　still　obeyed；　but　the　Constitution　in　fact　has　been　violated；　for　the　spirit　of　it　has　been　changed　in　its　very　essence。　The　President　must　have　been　born　a　citizen　of　the　United　States。　This　is　not　necessary　for　the　holder　of　any　other　office　or　for　a　Senator　or　Representative；　he　must　be　thirty…four　years　old　at　the　time　of　his　election。　His　executive　power　is　almost　unbounded。　　He　is　much　more　powerful　than　any　minister　can　be　with　us；　and　is　subject　to　a　much　lighter　responsibility。　　He　may　be　impeached　by　the　House　of　Representatives　before　the　Senate；　but　that　impeachment　only　goes　to　the　removal　from　office　and　permanent　disqualification　for　office。　　But　in　these　days；　as　we　all　practically　understand；　responsibility　does　not　mean　the　fear　of　any　great　punishment；　but　the　necessity　of　accounting　from　day　to　day　for　public　actions。　　A　leading　statesman　has　but　slight　dread　of　the　axe；　but　is　in　hourly　fear　o