north america-2- 第43部分

*　It　should；　perhaps；　be　explained　that　the　views　of　Madison　were　originally　not　opposed　to　those　of　Hamilton。　　Madison；　however；　gradually　adopted　the　policy　of　Jeffersonhis　policy　rather　than　his　philosophy。

The　very　preamble　of　the　Constitution　at　once　declares　that　the　people　of　the　different　States　do　hereby　join　themselves　together　with　the　view　of　forming　themselves　into　one　nation。　　〃We；　the　people　of　the　United　States；　in　order　to　form　a　more　perfect　Union；　establish　justice；　insure　domestic　tranquillity；　provide　for　the　common　defense；　promote　the　general　welfare；　and　secure　the　blessings　of　liberty　to　ourselves　and　our　posterity；　do　ordain　and　establish　this　Constitution　for　the　United　States　of　America。〃　　Here　a　great　step　was　made　toward　centralization；　toward　one　national　government；　and　the　binding　together　of　the　States　into　one　nation。　But　from　that　time　down　to　the　present　the　contest　has　been　going　on；　sometimes　openly　and　sometimes　only　within　the　minds　of　men；　between　the　still　alleged　sovereignty　of　the　individual　States　and　the　acknowledged　sovereignty　of　the　central　Congress　and　central　government。　　The　disciples　of　Jefferson；　even　though　they　have　not　known　themselves　to　be　his　disciples；　have　been　carrying　on　that　fight　for　State　rights　which　has　ended　in　secession；　and　the　disciples　of　Hamilton；　certainly　not　knowing　themselves　to　be　his　disciples；　have　been　making　that　stand　for　central　government；　and　for　the　one　acknowledged　republic；　which　is　now　at　work　in　opposing　secession；　and　which；　even　though　secession　should　to　some　extent　be　accomplished；　will；　we　may　hope；　nevertheless；　and　not　the　less　on　account　of　such　secession；　conquer　and　put　down　the　spirit　of　democracy。　The　political　contest　of　parties　which　is　being　waged　now；　and　which　has　been　waged　throughout　the　history　of　the　United　States；　has　been　pursued　on　one　side　in　support　of　that　idea　of　an　undivided　nationality　of　which　I　have　spokenof　a　nationality　in　which　the　interests　of　a　part　should　be　esteemed　as　the　interests　of　the　whole；　and　on　the　other　side　it　has　been　pursued　in　opposition　to　that　idea。　　I　will　not　here　go　into　the　interminable　question　of　slaverythough　it　is　on　that　question　that　the　Southern　or　democratic　States　have　most　loudly　declared　their　own　sovereign　rights　and　their　aversion　to　national　interference。　　Were　I　to　do　so　I　should　fail　in　my　present　object　of　explaining　the　nature　of　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　But　I　protest　against　any　argument　which　shall　be　used　to　show　that　the　Constitution　has　failed　because　it　has　allowed　slavery　to　produce　the　present　division　among　the　States。　　I　myself　think　that　the　Southern　or　Gulf　States　will　go。　　I　will　not　pretend　to　draw　the　exact　line　or　to　say　how　many　of　them　are　doomed；　but　I　believe　that　South　Carolina；　with　Georgia　and　perhaps　five　or　six　others；　will　be　extruded　from　the　Union。　　But　their　very　extrusion　will　be　a　political　success；　and　will　in　fact　amount　to　a　virtual　acknowledgment　in　the　body　of　the　Union　of　the　truth　of　that　system　for　which　the　conservative　Republican　party　has　contended。　　If　the　North　obtain　the　power　of　settling　that　question　of　boundary；　the　abandonment　of　those　Southern　States　will　be　a　success；　even　though　the　privilege　of　retaining　them　be　the　very　point　for　which　the　North　is　now　in　arms。　The　first　clause　of　the　Constitution　declares　that　all　the　legislative　powers　granted　by　the　Constitution　shall　be　vested　in　a　Congress；　which　shall　consist　of　a　Senate　and　of　a　House　of　Representatives。　　The　House　of　Representatives　is　to　be　rechosen　every　two　years；　and　shall　be　elected　by　the　people；　such　persons　in　each　State　having　votes　for　the　national　Congress　as　have　votes　for　the　legislature　of　their　own　States。　　If；　therefore；　South　Carolina　should　chooseas　she　has　chosento　declare　that　the　electors　of　her　own　legislature　shall　possess　a　property　qualification；　the　electors　of　members　of　Congress　from　South　Carolina　must　also　have　that　qualification。　　In　Massachusetts　universal　suffrage　now　prevails；　although　it　is　not　long　since　a　low　property　qualification　prevailed　even　in　Massachusetts。　　It　therefore　follows　that　members　of　the　House　of　Representatives　in　Congress　need　by　no　means　be　all　chosen　on　the　same　principle。　　As　a　fact；　universal　suffrage*　and　vote　by　ballot；　that　is　by　open　voting　papers；　prevail　in　the　States；　but　they　do　not　so　prevail　by　virtue　of　any　enactment　of　the　Constitution。　　The　laws　of　the　States；　however；　require　that　the　voter　shall　have　been　a　resident　in　the　State　for　some　period；　and　generally　either　deny　the　right　of　voting　to　negroes；　or　so　hamper　that　privilege　that　practically　it　amounts　to　the　same　thing。

*　Perhaps　the　better　word　would　have　been　manhood　suffrage；　and　even　that　word　should　be　taken　with　certain　restrictions。　　Aliens；　minors；　convicts；　and　men　who　pay　no　taxes　cannot　vote。　　In　some　States　none　can　vote　unless　they　can　read　and　write。　　In　some　there　is　a　property　qualification。　　In　all　there　are　special　restrictions　against　negroes。　　There　is　in　none　an　absolutely　universal　suffrage。　But　I　keep　the　name　as　it　best　expresses　to　us　in　England　the　system　of　franchise　which　has　practically　come　to　prevail　in　the　United　States。

The　Senate　of　the　United　States　is　composed　of　two　Senators　from　each　State。　　These　Senators　are　chosen　for　six　years；　and　are　elected　in　a　manner　which　shows　the　conservative　tendency　of　the　Constitution　with　more　signification　than　perhaps　any　other　rule　which　it　contains。　　This　branch　of　Congress；　which；　as　I　shall　presently　endeavor　to　show；　is　by　far　the　more　influential　of　the　two；　is　not　in　any　way　elected　by　the　people。　　〃The　Senate　of　the　United　States　shall　be　composed　of　two　Senators　from　each　State；　CHOSEN　BY　THE　LEGISLATURE　THEREOF；　for　six　years；　and　each　senator　shall　have　one　voice。〃　　The　Senate　sent　to　Congress　is　therefore　elected　by　the　State　legislatures。　　Each　State　legislature　has　two　Houses　and　the　Senators　sent　from　that　State　to　Congress　are　either　chosen　by　vote　of　the　two　Houses　voting　togetherwhich　is；　I　believe；　the　mode　adopted　in　most　States；　or　are　voted　for　in　the　two　Houses　separatelyin　which　cases；　when　different　candidates　have　been　nominated；　the　two　Houses　confer　by　committees　and　settle　the　matter　between　them。　　The　conservative　purpose　of　the　Constitution　is　here　sufficiently　evident。　　The　intention　has　been　to　take　the　election　of　the　Senators　away　from　the　people；　and　to　confide　it　to　that　body　in　each　State　which　may　be　regarded　as　containing　its　best　trusted　citizens。　　It　removes　the　Senators　far　away　from　the　democratic　element；　and　renders　them　liable　to　the　necessity　of　no　popular　canvass。　　Nor　am　I　aware　that　the　Constitution　has　failed　in　keeping　the　ground　which　it　intended　to　hold　in　this　matter。　　On　some　points　its　selected　rocks　and　chosen　standing　ground　have　slipped　from　beneath　its　feet；　owing　to　the　weakness　of　words　in　defining　and　making　solid　the　intended　prohibitions　against　democracy。　　The　wording　of　the　Constitution　has　been　regarded　by　the　people　as　sacred；　but　the　people　has　considered　itself　justified　in　opposing　the　spirit　as　long　as　it　revered　the　letter　of　the　Constitution。　　And　this　was　natural。　　For　the　letter　of　the　Constitution　can　be　read　by　all　men；　but　its　spirit　can　be　understood　comparatively　but　by　few。　　As　regards　the　election　of　the　Senators；　I　believe　that　it　has　been　fairly　made　by　the　legislatures　of　the　different　States。　　I　have　not　heard　it　alleged　that　members　of　the　State　legislatures　have　been　frequently　constrained　by　the　outside　popular　voice　to　send　this　or　that　man　as　Senator　to　Washington。　　It　was　clearly　not　the　intention　of　those　who　wrote　the　Constitution　that　they　should　be　so　constrained。　　But　the　Senators　themselves　in　Washington　have　submitted　to　restraint。　　On　subjects　in　which　the　people　are　directly　interested；　they　submit　to　instructions　from　the　legislatures　which　have　sent　them　as　to　the　side　on　which　they　shall　vote；　and　justify　themselves　in　voting　against　their　convictions　by　the　fact　that　they　have　received　such　instructions。　　Such　a　practice；　even　with　the　members　of　a　House　which　has　been　directly　returned　by　popular　election；　is；　I　think；　false　to　the　intention　of　the　system。　　It　has　clearly　been　intended　that　confidence　should　be　put　in　the　chosen　candidate　for　the　term　of　his　duty；　and　that　the　electors　are　to　be　bound　in　the　expression　of　their　opinion　by　his　sagacity　and　patriotism　for　that　term。　　A　member　of　a　representative　House　so　chosen；　who　votes　at　the　bidding　of　his　constituency　in　opposition　to　his　convictions；　is　manifestly　false　to　his　charge；　and　may　be　presumed　to　be　thus　false　in　deference　to　his　own　personal　interests；　and　with　a　view　to　his　own　future　standing　with　his　constituents。　　Pledges　before　election　may　be　fair；　because　a　pledge　given　is　after　all　but　the　answer　to　a　question　asked。　　A　voter　may　reasonably　desire　to　know　a　candidate's　opinion　on　any　matter　of　political　interest　before　he　votes　for　or　against　him。　　The　representative　when　returned　should　be　free　from　the　necessity　of　further　pledges。　　But　if　this　be　true　with　a　House　elected　by　popular　suffrage；　how　much　more　than　true　must　it　be　with　a　chamber　collected　together　as　the　Senate　of　the　United　States　is　collected！　　Nevertheless；　it　is　the　fact　that　many　Senators；　especially　those　who　have　been　sent　to　the　House　as　Democrats；　do　allow　the　State　legislatures　to　dictate　to　them　their　votes；　and　that　they　do　hold　themselves　absolved　from　the　personal　responsibility　of　their　votes　by　such　dictation。　　This　is　one　place　in　which　the　rock　which　was　thought　to　have　been　firm　has　slipped　away；　and　the　sands　of　democracy　have　made　their　way　through。　　But　with　reference　to　this　it　is　always　in　the　power　of　the　Senate　to　recover　its　own　ground；　and　re…establish　its　own　dignity；　to　the　people　in　this　matter　the　words　of　the　Constitution　give　no　authority；　and　all　that　is　necessary　for　the　recovery　of　the　old　practice　is　a　more　conservative　tendency　throughout　the　country　generally。　　That　there　is　such　a　conservative　tendency；　no　one　can　doubt；　the　fear　is　whether　it　may　not　work　too　quickly　and　go　too　far。　In　speaking　of　these　instructions　given　to　Senators　at　Washington；