the origins of contemporary france-2- 第40部分

and　reaches　the　top　it　ceases　to　bear　fruit。　　The　élite　of　the

nation　is　thus　condemned　to　constant　and　irremediable　failures

because　it　cannot　find　a　suitable　outlet　for　its　activity。　　It　wants

no　other　outlet；　for　in　all　directions　its　rival；　who　are　born　below

it；　can　serve　as　usefully　and　as　well　as　itself。　　But　this　one　it

must　have；　for　on　this　its　aptitudes　are　superior；　natural；　unique；

and　the　State　which　refuses　to　employ　it　resembles　the　gardener　who

in　his　fondness　for　a　plane　surface　would　repress　his　best

shoots。＇13＇　　Hence；　in　the　constructions　which　aim　to　utilize　the

permanent　forces　of　society　and　yet　maintain　civil　equality；　the

aristocracy　is　brought　to　take　a　part　in　public　affairs　by　the

duration　and　gratuitous　character　of　its　mission；　by　the　institution

of　an　hereditary　character；　by　the　application　of　various　machinery；

all　of　which　is　combined　so　as　to　develop　the　ambition；　the　culture；

and　the　political　capacity　of　the　upper　class；　and　to　place　power；

or　the　control　of　power；　in　its　hands；　on　the　condition　that　it

shows　itself　worthy　of　exercising　it。　　　　Now；　in　1789；　the　upper

class　was　not　unworthy　of　it。　　Members　of　the　parliaments；　the

noblemen；　bishops；　capitalists；　were　the　men　amongst　whom；　and

through　whom；　the　philosophy　of　the　eighteenth　century　was

propagated。　　Never　was　an　aristocracy　more　liberal；　more　humane；　and

more　thoroughly　converted　to　useful　reforms；＇14＇　many　of　them　remain

so　under　the　knife　of　the　guillotine。　　The　magistrates　of　the

superior　tribunals；　in　particular；　traditionally　and　by　virtue　of

their　institution；　were　the　enemies　of　excessive　expenditure　and　the

critics　of　arbitrary　acts。　　As　to　the　gentry　of　the　provinces；　〃they

were　so　weary；〃　says　one　of　them；＇15＇　〃of　the　Court　and　the

Ministers　that　most　of　them　were　democrats。〃　For　many　years；　in　the

Provincial　Assemblies；　the　whole　of　the　upper　class；　the　clergy；

nobles；　and　Third…Estate；　furnishes　abundant　evidence　of　its　good

disposition；　of　its　application　to　business；　its　capacity　and　even

generosity。　　Its　mode　of　studying；　discussing；　and　assigning　the

local　taxation　indicates　what　it　would　have　done　with　the　general

budget　had　this　been　entrusted　to　it。　　It　is　evident　that　it　would

have　protected　the　general　taxpayer　as　zealously　as　the　taxpayer　of

the　province；　and　kept　as　close　an　eye　upon　the　public　purse　at

Paris　as　on　that　of　Bourges　or　of　Montauban。　　　　Thus　were　the

materials　of　a　good　chamber　ready　at　hand；　and　the　only　thing　that

had　to　be　done　was　to　convene　them。　　On　having　the　facts　presented

to　them；　its　members　would　have　passed　without　difficulty　from　a

hazardous　theory　to　common…sense　practice；　and　the　aristocracy　which

had　enthusiastically　given　an　impetus　to　reform　in　its　saloons

would；　in　all　probability；　have　carried　it　out　effectively　and　with

moderation　in　the　Parliament。



Unhappily；　the　Assembly　is　not　providing　a　Constitution　for

contemporary　Frenchmen；　but　for　abstract　beings。　　Instead　of　seeing

classes　in　society　one　placed　above　the　other；　it　simply　sees

individuals　in　juxtaposition；　its　attention　is　not　fixed　on　the

advantage　of　the　nation；　but　on　the　imaginary　rights　of　man。　　As　all

men　are　equal；　all　must　have　an　equal　share　in　the　government。

There　must　be　no　orders　in　a　State；　no　avowed　or　concealed　political

privileges；　no　constitutional　complications　or　electoral

combinations　by　which　an　aristocracy；　however　liberal　and　capable；

may　put　its　hands　upon　any　portion　of　the　public　power。　　　　On　the

contrary；　because　it　was　once　privileged　to　enjoy　important　and

rewarding　public　employment；　the　candidacy　of　the　upper　classes　is

now　suspect。　　All　projects　which；　directly　or　indirectly；　reserve　or

provide　a　place　for　it；　are　refused：　At　first　the　Royal　Declaration；

which；　in　conformity　with　historical　precedents；　maintained　the

three　orders　in　three　distinct　chambers；　and　only　summoned　them　to

deliberate　together　〃on　matters　of　general　utility。〃　Then　the　plan

of　the　Constitutional　Committee；　which　proposed　a　second　Chamber；

appointed　for　life　by　the　King　on　the　nomination　of　the　Provincial

Assemblies。　　And　finally　the　project　of　Mounier　who　proposed　to

confide　to　these　same　Assemblies　the　election　of　a　Senate　for　six

years；　renewed　by　thirds　every　two　years。　　This　Senate　was　to　be

composed　of　men　of　at　least　thirty…five　years　of　age；　and　with　an

income　in　real　property　of　30；000　livres　per　annum。　　The　instinct　of

equality　is　too　powerful　and　a　second　Chamber　is　not　wanted；　even　if

accessible　to　plebeians。　　Through　it；＇16＇



〃The　smaller　number　would　control　the　greater；〃　。。。　〃we　should　fall

back　on　the　humiliating　distinctions〃　of　the　ancient　regime；　〃we

should　revivify　the　germ　of　an　aristocracy　which　must　be

exterminated。〃。。。。　　〃Moreover；　whatever　recalls　or　revives　feudal

Institutions　is　bad；　and　an　Upper　Chamber　is　one　of　its　remnants。〃

。。。。〃If　the　English　have　one；　it　is　because　they　have　been　forced　to

make　a　compromise　with　prejudice。〃



The　National　Assembly；　sovereign　and　philosophic；　soars　above　their

errors；　their　trammel；　and　their　example。　　The　depository　of　truth；

it　has　not　to　receive　lessons　from　others；　but　to　give　them；　and　to

offer　to　the　world's　admiration　the　first　type　of　a　Constitution

which　is　perfect　and　in　conformity　with　principle；　the　most

effective　of　any　in　preventing　the　formation　of　a　governing　class；

in　closing　the　way　to　public　business；　not　only　to　the　old　noblesse；

but　to　the　aristocracy　of　the　future；　in　continuing　and　exaggerating

the　work　of　absolute　monarchy；　in　preparing　for　a　community　of

officials　and　administrators；　in　lowering　the　level　of　humanity；　in

reducing　to　sloth　and　brutalizing　or　blighting　the　elite　of　the

families　which　maintain　or　raise　themselves；　and　in　withering　the

most　precious　of　nurseries；　that　in　which　the　State　recruits　its

statesmen。＇17＇



Excluded　from　the　Government；　the　aristocracy　is　about　to　retire

into　private　life。　　Let　us　follow　them　to　their　estates：　Feudal

rights　instituted　for　a　barbarous　State　are　certainly　a　great　draw…

back　in　a　modern　State。　　If　appropriate　in　an　epoch　when　property

and　sovereignty　were　fused　together；　when　the　Government　was　local；

when　life　was　militant；　they　form　an　incongruity　at　a　time　when

sovereignty　and　property　are　separated；　when　the　Government　is

centralized；　when　the　regime　is　a　pacific　one。　　The　bondage　which；

in　the　tenth　century；　was　necessary　to　re…established　security　and

agriculture；　is；　in　the　eighteenth　century；　purposeless　thralldom

which　impoverishes　the　soil　and　fetters　the　peasant。　　But；　because

these　ancient　claims　are　liable　to　abuse　and　injurious　at　the

present　day；　it　does　not　follow　that　they　never　were　useful　and

legitimate；　nor　that　it　is　allowable　to　abolish　them　without

indemnity　On　the　contrary；　for　many　centuries；　and；　on　the　whole；　so

long　as　the　lord　of　the　manor　resided　on　his　estates　this　primitive

contract　was　advantageous　to　both　parties；　and　to　such　an　extent

that　it　has　led　to　the　modern　contract。　　Thanks　to　the　pressure　of

this　tight　bandage；　the　broken　fragments　of　the　community　can　be

again　united；　and　society　once　more　recover　its　solidity；　force；　and

activity。　　　　In　any　event；　that　the　institution；　like　all　human

institutions；　took　its　rise　in　violence　and　was　corrupted　by　abuses

is　of　little　consequence；　the　State；　for　eight　hundred　years；

recognized　these　feudal　claims；　and；　with　its　own　consent　and　the

concurrence　of　its　Courts；　they　were　transmitted；　bequeathed；　sold；

mortgaged；　and　exchanged；　like　any　other　species　of　property。　　Only

two　or　three　hundred；　at　most；　now　remained　in　the　families　of　the

original　proprietors。　　〃The　largest　portion　of　the　titled　estates；〃

says　a　contemporary；＇18＇　〃have　become　the　property　of　capitalists；

merchants；　and　their　descendants；　the　fiefs；　for　the　most　part；

being　in　the　hands　of　the　bourgeois　of　the　towns。〃　All　the　fiefs

which；　during　two　centuries　past；　have　been　bought　by　new　men；　now

represent　the　economy　and　labor　of　their　purchasers。　　　　Moreover；

whoever　the　actual　holders　may　be；　whether　old　or　whether　new　men；

the　State　is　under　obligation　to　them；　not　only　by　general　right　

and　because；　from　the　beginning；　it　is　in　its　nature　the　guardian　of

all　property；　　　but　also　by　a　special　right；　because　it　has　itself

sanctioned　this　particular　species　of　property。　　The　buyers　of

yesterday　paid　their　money　only　under　its　guarantee；　its　signature

is　affixed　to　the　contract；　and　it　has　bound　itself　to　secure　to

them　the　enjoyment　of　it。　　If　it　prevents　them　from　doing　so；　let　it

make　them　compensation；　in　default　of　the　thing　promised　to　them；　it

owes　them　the　value　of　it。　　Such　is　the　law　in　cases　of

expropriation　for　public　utility；　in　1834；　for　instance；　the

English；　for　the　legal　abolition　of　slavery；　paid　to　their　planters

the　sum　of　￡20；000；000。　　　　　…　But　that　is　not　sufficient：　when；　in

the　suppression　of　feudal　rights；　the　legislator's　thoughts　are

taken　up　with　the　creditors；　he　has　only　half　performed　his　task；

there　are　two　sides　to　the　question；　and　he　must　likewise　think　of

the　debtors。　　If　he　is　not　merely　a　lover　of　abstractions　and　of

fine　phrases；　if　that　which　interests　him　is　men　and　not　words；　if

he　is　bent　upon　the　effective　enfranchisement　of　the　cultivator　of

the　soil；　he　will　not　rest　content　with　proclaiming　a　principle；

with　permitting　the　redemption　of　rents；　with　fixing　the　rate　of

redemption；　and；　in　case　of　dispute；　with　sending　parties　before　the

tribunals。　　He　will　reflect　that　the　peasantry；　jointly　responsible

for　the　same　debt　will　find　difficulty　in　agreeing　among　themselves；

that　they　are　afraid　of　litigation；　that；　being　ignorant；　they　will

not　know　how　to　set　about　it；　that；　being　poor；　they　will　be　unable

to　pay；　and　that；　under　the　weight　of　discord；　distrust；　indigence；

and　inertia；　the　new　law　will　remain　a　dead　letter；　and