the origins of contemporary france-2- 第39部分

about　the　intentions　of　countless　benefactors；　they　have　made　their

gifts　conditionally；　that　is；　on　the　condition　that　the　endowment

should　remain　intact；　and　that　each　successive　beneficiary　should

merely　serve　as　the　administrator　of　it。　　Should　any　of　the

beneficiaries；　through　presumption　or　levity；　through　rashness　or

one…sidedness；　compromise　the　charge　entrusted　to　them；　they　wrong

all　their　predecessors　whose　sacrifices　they　invalidate；　and　all

their　successors　whose　hopes　they　frustrate。　　Accordingly；　before

undertaking　to　frame　a　constitution；　let　the　whole　community　be

considered　in　its　entirety；　not　merely　in　the　present　but　in　the

future；　as　far　as　the　eye　can　reach。　　The　interest　of　the　public；

viewed　in　this　far…sighted　manner；　is　the　end　to　which　all　the　rest

must　be　subordinate；　and　for　which　a　constitution　provides。　　A

constitution；　whether　oligarchic；　monarchist；　or　aristocratic；　is

simply　an　instrument；　good　if　it　attains　this　end；　and　bad　if　it

does　not　attain　it；　and　which；　to　attain　it；　must；　like　every

species　of　mechanism；　vary　according　to　the　ground；　materials；　and

circumstances。　　The　most　ingenious　is　illegitimate　if　it　dissolves

the　State；　while　the　clumsiest　is　legitimate　if　it　keeps　the　State

intact。　　There　is　none　that　springs　out　of　an　anterior；　universal；

and　absolute　right。　　According　to　the　people；　the　epoch；　and　the

degree　of　civilization；　according　to　the　outer　or　inner　condition　of

things；　all　civil　or　political　equality　or　inequality　may；　in　turn；

be　or　cease　to　be　beneficial　or　hurtful；　and　therefore　justify　the

legislator　in　removing　or　preserving　it。　　It　is　according　to　this

superior　and　salutary　law；　and　not　according　to　an　imaginary　and

impossible　contract；　that　he　is　to　organize；　limit；　delegate　and

distribute　from　the　center　to　the　extremities；　through　inheritance

or　through　election；　through　equalization　or　through　privilege；　the

rights　of　the　citizen　and　the　power　of　the　community。





III。



The　estates　of　a　society。　　…　Political　aptitude　of　the　aristocracy。

…　Its　disposition　in　1789。　　…　Special　services　which　it　might　have

rendered。　　…　The　principle　of　the　Assembly　as　to　original　equality。

…　Rejection　of　an　Upper　Chamber。　　…　The　feudal　rights　of　the

aristocracy。　　…　How　far　and　why　they　were　worthy　of　respect。　　…　How

they　should　have　been　transformed。　　…　Principle　of　the　Assembly　as

to　original　liberty。　　…　Distinction　established　by　it　in　feudal

dues；　application　of　its　principle。　　…　The　lacunae　of　its　law。　　…

Difficulties　of　redemption。　　…　Actual　abolition　of　all　feudal　liens。

…　Abolition　of　titles　and　territorial　names。　　…　Growing　prejudice

against　the　aristocracy。　　…　Its　persecutions。　　…　The　emigration。　　…



Was　it　necessary　to　begin　by　making　a　clean　sweep；　and　was　it

advisable　to　abolish　or　only　to　reform　the　various　orders　and

corporations？　　Two　prominent　orders；　the　clergy　and　the　nobles；

enlarged　by　the　ennobled　plebeians　who　had　grown　wealthy　and

acquired　titled　estates；　formed　a　privileged　aristocracy　side　by

side　with　the　Government；　whose　favors　it　might　receive　on　the

condition　of　seeking　them　assiduously　and　with　due　acknowledgment；

privileged　on　its　own　domains；　and　taking　advantage　there　of　all

rights　belonging　to　the　feudal　chieftain　without　performing　his

duties。　　This　abuse　was　evidently　an　enormous　one　and　had　to　be

ended。　　But；　it　did　not　follow　that；　because　the　position　of　the

privileged　class　on　their　domains　and　in　connection　with　the

Government　was　open　to　abuse；　they　should　be　deprived　of　protection

for　person　and　property　on　their　domains；　and　of　influence　and

occupation　under　the　Government。　　　A　favored　aristocracy；　when　it

is　unoccupied　and　renders　none　of　the　services　which　its　rank　admits

of；　when　it　monopolizes　all　honors；　offices；　promotions；

preferences；　and　pensions；＇12＇　to　the　detriment　of　others　not　less

needy　and　deserving；　is　undoubtedly　a　serious　evil。　　But　when　an

aristocracy　is　subject　to　the　common　law；　when　it　is　occupied；

especially　when　its　occupation　is　in　conformity　with　its　aptitudes；

and　more　particularly　when　it　is　available　for　the　formation　of　an

upper　elective　chamber　or　an　hereditary　peerage；　it　is　a　vast

service。　　　In　any　case　it　cannot　be　irreversibly　suppressed；　for；

although　it　may　be　abolished　by　law；　it　is　reconstituted　by　facts。

The　legislator　must　necessarily　choose　between　two　systems；　that

which　lets　it　lie　fallow；　or　that　which　enables　it　to　be　productive；

that　which　drives　it　away　from；　or　that　which　rallies　it　round；　the

public　service。　　In　every　society　which　has　lived　for　any　length　of

time；　a　nucleus　of　families　always　exists　whose　fortunes　and

importance　are　of　ancient　date。　　Even　when；　as　in　France　in　1789；

this　class　seems　to　be　exclusive；　each　half　century　introduces　into

it　new　families；　judges；　governors；　rich　businessmen　or　bankers　who

have　risen　to　the　tope　of　the　social　ladder　through　the　wealth　they

have　acquired　or　through　the　important　offices　they　have　filled；　and

here；　in　the　medium　thus　constituted；　the　statesman　and　wise

counselor　of　the　people；　the　independent　and　able　politician　is　most

naturally　developed。　　…　Because；　on　the　one　hand；　thanks　to　his

fortune　and　his　rank；　a　man　of　this　class　is　above　all　vulgar

ambitions　and　temptations。　　He　is　able　to　serve　gratis；　he　is　not

obliged　to　concern　himself　about　money　or　about　providing　for　his

family　and　making　his　way　in　the　world。　　A　political　mission　is　no

interruption　to　his　career；　he　is　not　obliged；　like　the　engineer；

merchant；　or　physician；　to　sacrifice　either　his　business；　his

advancement；　or　his　clients。　　He　can　resign　his　post　without　injury

to　himself　or　to　those　dependent　on　him；　follow　his　own　convictions；

resist　the　noisy　deleterious　opinions　of　the　day；　and　be　the　loyal

servant；　not　the　low　flatterer　of　the　public。　　Whilst；　consequently；

in　the　inferior　or　average　conditions　of　life；　the　incentive　is

self…interest；　with　him　the　grand　motive　is　pride。　　Now；　amongst　the

deeper　feelings　of　man　there　is　none　which　is　more　adapted　for

transformation　into　probity；　patriotism；　and　conscientiousness；　for

the　first　requisite　of　the　high…spirited　man　is　self…respect；　and；

to　obtain　that；　he　is　induced　to　deserve　it。　　Compare；　from　this

point　of　view；　the　gentry　and　nobility　of　England　with　the

〃politicians〃　of　the　United　States。　　…　On　the　other　hand；　with　equal

talents；　a　man　who　belongs　to　this　sphere　of　life　enjoys

opportunities　for　acquiring　a　better　comprehension　of　public　affairs

than　a　poor　man　of　the　lower　classes。　　The　information　he　requires

is　not　the　erudition　obtained　in　libraries　and　in　private　study。　　He

must　be　familiar　with　living　men；　and；　besides　these；　with

agglomerations　of　men；　and　even　more　with　human　organizations；　with

States；　with　Governments；　with　parties；　with　administrative　systems；

at　home　and　abroad；　in　full　operation　and　on　the　spot。　　There　is　but

one　way　to　reach　this　end；　and　that　is　to　see　for　himself；　with　his

own　eyes；　at　once　in　general　outline　and　in　details；　by　intercourse

with　the　heads　of　departments；　with　eminent　men　and　specialists；　in

whom　are　gathered　up　the　information　and　the　ideas　of　a　whole　class。

Now　the　young　do　not　frequent　society　of　this　description；　either　at

home　or　abroad；　except　on　the　condition　of　possessing　a　name；

family；　fortune；　education　and　a　knowledge　of　social　observances。

All　this　is　necessary　to　enable　a　young　man　of　twenty　to　find　doors

everywhere　open　to　him　to　be　received　everywhere　on　an　equal

footing；　to　be　able　to　speak　and　to　write　three　or　four　living

languages；　to　make　long；　expensive；　and　instructive　sojourns　in

foreign　lands；　to　select　and　vary　his　position　in　the　different

branches　of　the　public　service；　without　pay　or　nearly　so；　and　with

no　object　in　view　but　that　of　his　political　culture　Thus　brought　up

a　man；　even　of　common　capacity；　is　worthy　of　being　consulted。　　If　he

is　of　superior　ability；　and　there　is　employment　for　him；　he　may

become　a　statesman　before　thirty；　he　may　acquire　ripe　capacities；

become　prime　Minister；　the　sole　pilot；　alone　able；　like　Pitt；

Canning；　or　Peel；　to　steer　the　ship　of　State　between　the　reefs；　or

give　in　the　nick　of　time　the　touch　to　the　helm　which　will　save　the

ship。　　　Such　is　the　service　to　which　an　upper　class　is　adapted。

Only　this　kind　of　specialized　stud　farm　can　furnish　a　regular　supply

of　racers；　and；　now　and　then；　the　favorite　winner　that　distances　all

his　competitors　in　the　European　field。



But　in　order　that　they　may　prepare　and　educate　themselves　for　this

career；　the　way　must　be　clear；　and　they　must　not　be　compelled　to

travel　too　repulsive　a　road。　　If　rank；　inherited　fortune；　personal

dignity；　and　refined　manners　are　sources　of　disfavor　with　the

people；　if；　to　obtain　their　votes；　he　is　forced　to　treat　as　equals

electoral　brokers　of　low　character；　if　impudent　charlatanism；　vulgar

declamation；　and　servile　flattery　are　the　sole　means　by　which　votes

can　be　secured；　then；　as　nowadays　in　the　United　States；　and　formerly

in　Athens；　the　aristocratic　body　will　retire　into　private　life　and

soon　settle　down　into　a　state　of　idleness。　　A　man　of　culture　and

refinement；　born　with　an　income　of　a　hundred　thousand　a　year；　is　not

tempted　to　become　either　manufacturer；　lawyer；　or　physician。　　For

want　of　other　occupation　he　loiters　about；　entertains　his　friends；

chats；　indulges　in　the　tastes　and　hobbies　of　an　amateur；　is　bored　or

enjoys　himself。　　As　a　result　one　of　society's　great　forces　is　thus

lost　to　the　nation。　　In　this　way　the　best　and　largest　acquisition　of

the　past；　the　heaviest　accumulation　of　material　and　of　moral

capital；　remain　unproductive。　　In　a　pure　democracy　the　upper

branches　of　the　social　tree；　not　only　the　old　ones　but　the　young

ones；　remain　sterile。　　When　a　vigorous　branch　passes　above　the　rest

and　reaches　the　top　it　ceases　to　bear　fruit。　　The　élite　of　the

nation　is　thus　condemn