part of the citizens； or those who governed the greater part of
them； fought in defence of their own importance； which they
foresaw was to be at an end whenever the ancient government
should be re…established。 Our colonies； unless they can be
induced to consent to a union； are very likely to defend
themselves against the best of all mother countries as
obstinately as the city of Paris did against one of the best of
kings。
The idea of representation was unknown in ancient times。
When the people of one state were admitted to the right of
citizenship in another； they had no other means of exercising
that right but by coming in a body to vote and deliberate with
the people of that other state。 The admission of the greater part
of the inhabitants of Italy to the privileges of Roman citizens
completely ruined the Roman republic。 It was no longer possible
to distinguish between who was and who was not a Roman citizen。
No tribe could know its own members。 A rabble of any kind could
be introduced into the assemblies of the people； could drive out
the real citizens； and decide upon the affairs of the republic as
if they themselves had been such。 But though America were to send
fifty or sixty new representatives to Parliament； the doorkeeper
of the House of Commons could not find any great difficulty in
distinguishing between who was and who was not a member。 Though
the Roman constitution； therefore； was necessarily ruined by the
union of Rome with the allied states of Italy； there is not the
least probability that the British constitution would be hurt by
the union of Great Britain with her colonies。 That constitution；
on the contrary； would be completed by it； and seems to be
imperfect without it。 The assembly which deliberates and decides
concerning the affairs of every part of the empire； in order to
be properly informed； ought certainly to have representatives
from every part of it That this union； however； could be easily
effectuated； or that difficulties and great difficulties might
not occur in the execution； I do not pretend。 I have yet heard of
none； however； which appear insurmountable。 The principal perhaps
arise； not from the nature of things； but from the prejudices and
opinions of the people both on this and on the other side of the
Atlantic。
We； on this side of the water； are afraid lest the multitude
of American representatives should overturn the balance of the
constitution； and increase too much either the influence of the
crown on the one hand； or the force of the democracy on the
other。 But if the number of American representatives were to be
in proportion to the produce of American taxation； the number of
people to be managed would increase exactly in proportion to the
means of managing them； and the means of managing to the number
of people to be managed。 The monarchical and democratical parts
of the constitution would； after the union； stand exactly in the
same degree of relative force with regard to one another as they
had done before。
The people on the other side of the water are afraid lest
their distance from the seat of government might expose them to
many oppressions。 But their representatives in Parliament； of
which the number ought from the first to be considerable； would
easily be able to protect them from all oppression。 The distance
could not much weaken the dependency of the representative upon
the constituent； and the former would still feel that he owed his
seat in Parliament； and all the consequences which he derived
from it； to the good will of the latter。 It would be the interest
of the former； therefore； to cultivate that good will by
complaining； with all the authority of a member of the
legislature； of every outrage which any civil or military officer
might be guilty of in those remote parts of the empire。 The
distance of America from the seat of government； besides； the
natives of that country might flatter themselves； with some
appearance of reason too； would not be of very long continuance。
Such has hitherto been the rapid progress of that country in
wealth； population； and improvement； that in the course of little
more than a century； perhaps； the produce of American might
exceed that of British taxation。 The seat of the empire would
then naturally remove itself to that part of the empire which
contributed most to the general defence and support of the whole。
The discovery of America； and that of a passage to the East
Indies by the Cape of Good Hope； are the two greatest and most
important events recorded in the history of mankind。 Their
consequences have already been very great； but； in the short
period of between two and three centuries which has elapsed since
these discoveries were made； it is impossible that the whole
extent of their consequences can have been seen。 What benefits or
what misfortunes to mankind may hereafter result from those great
events； no human wisdom can foresee。 By uniting； in some measure；
the most distant parts of the world； by enabling them to relieve
one another's wants； to increase one another's enjoyments； and to
encourage one another's industry； their general tendency would
seem to be beneficial。 To the natives however； both of the East
and West Indies； all the commercial benefits which can have
resulted from those events have been sunk and lost in the
dreadful misfortunes which they have occasioned。 These
misfortunes； however； seem to have arisen rather from accident
than from anything in the nature of those events themselves。 At
the particular time when these discoveries were made； the
superiority of force happened to be so great on the side of the
Europeans that they were enabled to commit with impunity every
sort of injustice in those remote countries。 Hereafter； perhaps；
the natives of those countries may grow stronger； or those of
Europe may grow weaker； and the inhabitants of all the different
quarters of the world may arrive at that equality of courage and
force which； by inspiring mutual fear； can alone overawe the
injustice of independent nations into some sort of respect for
the rights of one another。 But nothing seems more likely to
establish this equality of force than that mutual communication
of knowledge and of all sorts of improvements which an extensive
commerce from all countries to all countries naturally； or rather
necessarily； carries along with it。
In the meantime one of the principal effects of those
discoveries has been to raise the mercantile system to a degree
of splendour and glory which it could never otherwise have
attained to。 It is the object of that system to enrich a great
nation rather by trade and manufactures than by the improvement
and cultivation of land； rather by the industry of the towns than
by that of the country。 But； in consequence of those discoveries；
the commercial towns of Europe； instead of being the
manufacturers and carriers for but a very small part of the world
（that part of Europe which is washed by the Atlantic Ocean； and
the countries which lie round the Baltic and Mediterranean seas）；
have now become the manufacturers for the numerous and thriving
cultivators of America； and the carriers； and in some respects
the manufacturers too； for almost all the different nations of
Asia； Africa； and America。 Two new worlds have been opened to
their industry； each of them much greater and more extensive than
the old one； and the market of one of them growing still greater
and greater every day。
The countries which possess the colonies of America； and
which trade directly to the East Indies； enjoy； indeed； the whole
show and splendour of this great commerce。 Other countries；
however； notwithstanding all the invidious restraints by which it
is meant to exclude them； frequently enjoy a greater share of the
real benefit of it。 The colonies of Spain and Portugal； for
example； give more real encouragement to the industry of other
countries than to that of Spain and Portugal。 In the single
article of linen alone the consumption of those colonies amounts；
it is said； but I do not pretend to warrant the quantity； to more
than three millions sterling a year。 But this great consumption
is almost entirely supplied by France； Flanders； Holland； and
Germany。 Spain and Portugal furnish but a small part of it。 The
capital which supplies the colonies with this great quantity of
linen is annually distributed among； and furnishes a revenue to
the inhabitants of； those other countries。 The profits of it only
are spent in Spain and Portugal； where they help to support the
sumptuous profusion of the merchants of Cadiz and Lisbon。
Even the regulations by which each nation endeavours to
secure to itself the exclusive trade of its own colonies are
frequently more hurtful to the countries in favour of which they
are established than to those against which they are established。
The unjust oppression of the industry of other countries falls
back； if I may say so； upon the heads of the oppressors； and
crushes their industry more than it does that of those other
countries。 By those regulations for example； the merchant of
Hamburg must send the linen which he destines for the American
market to London； and he must bring back from thence the tobacco
which he destines for the German market； because he can neither
send the one directly to America nor bring back the other
directly from thence。 By this restraint he is probably obliged to
sell the one somewhat cheaper； and to sell the one somewhat
cheaper； and to buy the other somewhat dearer than he otherwise
might have done； and his profits are probably somewhat abridged
by means of it。 In this trade； however； between Hamburg and
London； he certainly receives the returns of his capital much
more quickly than he could possibly have done in the direct trade
to America； even though we should suppose； what is by no means
the case； that the payments of America were as punctual as those
of London。 In the trade； therefore； to which those regulations
confine the merch