the origins of contemporary france-2- 第55部分

the　spot　and　under　the　hands　of　its　subordinates。　　It　loses　its

prestige　and　independence　when　those　who　create　it　are　precisely

those　who　have　to　submit　to　it。　　For；　in　submitting　to　it；　they

remember　that　they　have　created　it。　　This　or　that　candidate　among

them　who　has　but　lately　solicited　their　suffrages　is　now　a

magistrate　who　issues　orders；　and　this　sudden　transformation　is

their　work。　　It　is　with　difficulty　that　they　pass　from　the　role　of

sovereign　electors　to　that　of　docile　subjects　of　the　administration；

and　recognize　a　commander　in　one　of　their　own　creatures。＇25＇　On　the

contrary；　they　will　submit　to　his　control　only　in　their　own　fashion；

reserving　to　themselves　in　practice　the　powers　the　right　to　which

they　have　conferred　on　him。



　〃We　gave　him　his　place；　and　he　must　do　as　we　want　him　to　do；〃



Such　popular　reasoning　is　the　most　natural　in　the　world。　　It　is　as

applicable　to　the　municipal　officer　wearing　his　scarf　as　to　the

officer　in　the　National　Guard　wearing　his　epaulettes；　the　former　as

well　as　the　latter　being　conferred　by　the　arbitrary　voice　of　the

electors；　and　always　seeming　to　them　a　gift　which　is　revocable　at

their　pleasure。　　The　superior　always；　and　more　particularly　in　times

of　danger　or　of　great　public　excitement；　seems；　if　directly

appointed　by　those　whom　he　commands；　to　be　their　clerk。　…　Such　is

municipal　authority　at　this　epoch；　intermittent；　uncertain；　and

weak；　and　all　the　weaker　because　the　sword；　whose　hilt　the　men　of

the　H？tel…de…Ville　seem　to　hold；　does　not　always　leave　its　scabbard

at　their　bidding。　　They　alone　are　empowered　to　summon　the　National

Guard；　but　it　does　not　depend　on　them；　and　it　is　not　at　their

disposal。　　To　obtain　its　support　it　is　needful　that　its　independent

chiefs　should　be　willing　to　respond　to　their　requisition；　that　the

men　should　willingly　obey　their　elected　officers；　that　these

improvised　soldiers　should　consent　to　quit　their　plow；　their　stores；

their　workshops　and　offices；　to　lose　their　day；　to　patrol　the

streets　at　night；　to　be　pelted　with　stones；　to　fire　on　a　riotous

crowd　whose　enmities　and　prejudices　they　often　share。　　Undoubtedly；

they　will　fire　on　some　occasions；　but　generally　they　will　remain

quiet；　with　their　arms　at　rest；　and；　at　last；　they　will　grow　weary

of　a　trying；　dangerous；　and　constant　service；　which　is　disagreeable

to　them；　and　for　which　they　are　not　fitted。　　They　will　not　answer

the　summons；　or；　if　they　do；　they　will　come　too　late；　and　in　too

small　a　number。　　In　this　event；　the　regulars　who　are　sent　for；　will

do　as　they　do　and　remain　quiet；　following　their　example；　while　the

municipal　magistrate；　into　whose　hands　the　sword　has　glided；　will　be

able　to　do　no　more　than　make　grievous　reports；　to　his　superiors　of

the　department　or　district；　concerning　the　popular　violence　of　which

he　is　a　powerless　witness。　…　In　other　cases；　and　especially　in　the

country；　his　condition　is　worse。　　The　National　Guard；　preceded　by

its　drums；　will　come　and　take　him　off　to　the　town　hall　to　authorize

by　his　presence；　and　to　legalize　by　his　orders；　the　outrages　that　it

is　about　to　commit。　　He　marches　along　seized　by　the　collar；　and

affixes　his　signature　at　the　point　of　the　bayonet。　　In　this　case　not

only　is　his　instrument　taken　away　from　him；　but　it　is　turned　against

of　holding　it　by　the　hilt；　he　feels　the　point：　the　armed　force　which

he　ought　to　make　use　of　makes　use　of　him。







IV。　　On　Universal　Suffrage。



The　National　Guard　as　electors。　…　Its　great　power。…　Its　important

task。　…　The　work　imposed　on　active　citizens。　…　They　avoid　it。



Behold；　then；　the　true　sovereign；　the　elector；　both　National　Guard

and　voter。　　They　are　the　kings　designed　by　the　Constitution；　there

he　is；　in　every　hierarchical　stage；　with　his　suffrage；　with　which　to

delegate　authority；　and　his　gun　to　assure　its　exercise。　…　Through

his　free　choice　he　creates　all　local　powers；　intermediary；　central；

legislative；　administrative；　ecclesiastical；　and　judiciary。　　He

appoints　directly；　and　in　the　primary　assemblies；　the　mayor；　the

municipal　board；　the　public　prosecutor　and　council　of　the　commune；

the　justice　of　the　peace　and　his　assessors；　and　the　electors　of　the

second　degree。　　Indirectly；　and　through　these　elected　electors；　he

appoints　the　administrators　and　procureurs…syndics　of　both　district

and　department；　the　civil　and　criminal　judges；　the　public

prosecutor；　bishops；　and　priests；　the　members　of　the　National

Assembly　and　jurors　of　the　higher　National　Court＇26＇。　　All　these

commissions　which　he　issues　are　of　short　date；　the　principal　ones；

those　of　municipal　officer；　elector；　and　deputy；　having　but　two

years　to　run；　at　the　end　of　this　brief　term　their　recipients　are

again　subject　to　his　vote；　in　order　that；　if　he　is　displeased　with

them；　he　may　replace　them　by　others。　　He　must　not　be　fettered　in　his

choice；　in　every　well…conducted　establishment　the　legitimate

proprietor　must　be　free　easily　and　frequently　to　renew　his　staff　of

clerks。　　He　is　the　only　one　in　whom　confidence　can　be　placed；　and；

for　greater　security；　all　arms　are　given　up　to　him。　　When　his　clerks

wish　to　employ　force　he　is　the　one　to　place　it　at　their　disposal。

Whatever　he　desired　as　elector　he　executes　as　National　Guard。　　On

two　occasions　he　interferes；　both　times　in　a　decisive　manner；　and

his　control　over　the　legal　powers　is　irresistible　because　these　are

born　out　of　his　vote　and　are　obeyed　only　through　his　support。　…　But

these　rights　are；　at　the　same　time；　burdens。　　The　Constitution

describes　him　as　an　〃active　citizen；〃　and　this　he　eminently　is　or

should　be；　since　public　action　begins　and　ends　with　him；　since

everything　depends　on　his　zeal　and　capacity；　since　the　machine　is

good　and　only　works　well　in　proportion　to　his　discernment；

punctuality；　calmness；　firmness；　discipline　at　the　polls；　and　in　the

ranks。　　The　law　requires　his　services　incessantly　day　and　night；　in

body　and　mind；　as　gendarme　and　as　elector。　…　How　burdensome　this

service　of　gendarme　must　be；　can　be　judged　by　the　number　of　riots。

How　burdensome　that　of　elector　must　be；　the　list　of　elections　will

show。



In　February；　March；　April；　and　May；　1789；　there　are　prolonged　parish

meetings；　for　the　purpose　of　choosing　electors　and　writing　out

grievances；　also　bailiwick　meetings　of　still　longer　duration　to

choose　deputies　and　draw　up　the　memorial。　　During　the　months　of　July

and　August；　1789；　there　are　spontaneous　gatherings　to　elect　or

confirm　the　municipal　bodies；　other　spontaneous　meetings　by　which

the　militia　is　formed　and　officered；　and　then；　following　these；

constant　meetings　of　this　same　militia　to　fuse　themselves　into　a

National　Guard；　to　renew　officers　and　appoint　deputies　to　the

federative　assemblies。　　In　December；　1789；　and　January；　1790；　there

are　primary　meetings；　to　elect　municipal　officers　and　their

councils。　　In　May；　1790；　there　are　primary　and　secondary　meetings；

to　appoint　district　and　departmental　administrators。　　In　October；

1790；　there　are　primary　meetings；　to　elect　the　justice　of　the　peace

and　his　assessors；　also　secondary　meetings；　to　elect　the　district

courts。　　In　November；　1790；　there　are　primary　meetings；　to　renew

one…half　of　the　municipal　bodies。　　In　February　and　March；　1791；

there　are　secondary　meetings；　to　nominate　the　bishop　and　curés。　　In

June；　July；　August；　September；　1791；　there　are　primary　and　secondary

meetings；　to　renew　one…half　of　the　district　and　departmental

administrators；　to　nominate　the　president；　the　public　prosecutor；

and　the　clerk　of　the　criminal　court；　and　to　choose　deputies。　　In

November；　1791；　there　are　primary　meetings　to　renew　one…half　of　the

municipal　council。　　Observe　that　many　of　these　elections　drag　along

because　the　voters　lack　experience；　because　the　formalities　are

complicated；　and　because　opinions　are　divided。　　In　August　and

September；　1791；　at　Tours；　they　are　prolonged　for　thirteen　days；＇27＇

at　Troyes；　in　January；　1790；　instead　of　three　days　they　last　for

three　weeks；　at　Paris；　in　September　and　October；　1791；　only　for　the

purpose　of　choosing　deputies；　they　last　for　thirty…seven　days；　in

many　places　their　proceedings　are　contested；　annulled；　and　begun

over　again。　　To　these　universal　gatherings；　which　put　all　France　in

motion；　we　must　add　the　local　gatherings　by　which　a　commune　approves

or　gainsays　its　municipal　officers；　makes　claims　on　the　department；

on　the　King；　or　on　the　Assembly；　demands　the　maintenance　of　its

parish　priest；　the　provisioning　of　its　market；　the　arrival　or

dispatch　of　a　military　detachment；　…　and　think　of　all　that　these

meetings；　petitions；　and　nominations　presuppose　in　the　way　of

preparatory　committees　and　preliminary　meetings　and　debates！　Every

public　representation　begins　with　rehearsals　in　secret　session。　　In

the　choice　of　a　candidate；　and；　above　all；　of　a　list　of　candidates；

in　the　appointment　in　each　commune　of　from　three　to　twenty…one

municipal　officers；　and　from　six　to　forty…two　notables；　in　the

selection　of　twelve　district　administrators　and　thirty…six

departmental　administrators；　especially　as　the　list　must　be　of　a

double　length　and　contain　twice　as　many　officers　as　there　are　places

to　fill；　immediate　agreement　is　impossible。　　In　every　important

election　the　electors　are　sure　to　be　in　a　state　of　agitation　a　month

beforehand；　while　four　weeks　of　discussion　and　caucus　is　not　too

much　to　give　to　inquiries　about　candidates；　and　to　canvassing

voters。　　Let　us　add；　accordingly；　this　long　preface　to　each　of　the

elections；　so　long　and　so　often　repeated；　and　now　sum　up　the

troubles　and　disturbances；　all　this　loss　of　time；　all　the　labor

which　the　process　demands。　　Each　convocation　of　the　primary

assemblies；　summons　to　the　town…hall　or　principal　town　of　the

canton；　for　one　or　for　several　days；　about　three　million　five

hundred　thousand　electors　of　the　first　degree。　　Each　convocation　of

the　assemblies　of　the　second　class　compels　the　attendance　and

sojourn　at　the　principal