great variety of occupations。 Not only no great convulsion； but
no sensible disorder arose from so great a change in the
situation of more than a hundred thousand men； all accustomed to
the use of arms； and many of them to rapine and plunder。 The
number of vagrants was scarce anywhere sensibly increased by it；
even the wages of labour were not reduced by it in any
occupation； so far as I have been able to learn； except in that
of seamen in the merchant service。 But if we compare together the
habits of a soldier and of any sort of manufacturer； we shall
find that those of the latter do not tend so much to disqualify
him from being employed in a new trade； as those of the former
from being employed in any。 The manufacturer has always been
accustomed to look for his subsistence from his labour only： the
soldier to expect it from his pay。 Application and industry have
been familiar to the one； idleness and dissipation to the other。
But it is surely much easier to change the direction of industry
from one sort of labour to another than to turn idleness and
dissipation to any。 To the greater part of manufactures besides；
it has already been observed； there are other collateral
manufactures of so similar a nature that a workman can easily
transfer his industry from one of them to another。 The greater
part of such workmen too are occasionally employed in country
labour。 The stock which employed them in a particular manufacture
before will still remain in the country to employ an equal number
of people in some other way。 The capital of the country remaining
the same； the demand for labour will likewise be the same； or
very nearly the same； though it may be exerted in different
places and for different occupations。 Soldiers and seamen；
indeed； when discharged from the king's service； are at liberty
to exercise any trade； within any town or place of Great Britain
or Ireland。 Let the same natural liberty of exercising what
species of industry they please； be restored to all his Majesty's
subjects； in the same manner as to soldiers and seamen； that is；
break down the exclusive privileges of corporations； and repeal
the Statute of Apprenticeship； both which are real encroachments
upon natural liberty； and add to these the repeal of the Law of
Settlements； so that a poor workman； when thrown out of
employment either in one trade or in one place； may seek for it
in another trade or in another place without the fear either of a
prosecution or of a removal； and neither the public nor the
individuals will suffer much more from the occasional disbanding
some particular classes of manufacturers than from that of
soldiers。 Our manufacturers have no doubt great merit with their
country； but they cannot have more than those who defend it with
their blood； nor deserve to be treated with more delicacy。
To expect； indeed； that the freedom of trade should ever be
entirely restored in Great Britain is as absurd as to expect that
an Oceana or Utopia should ever be established in it。 Not only
the prejudices of the public； but what is much more
unconquerable； the private interests of many individuals；
irresistibly oppose it。 Were the officers of the army to oppose
with the same zeal and unanimity any reduction in the numbers of
forces with which master manufacturers set themselves against
every law that is likely to increase the number of their rivals
in the home market； were the former to animate their soldiers in
the same manner as the latter enflame their workmen to attack
with violence and outrage the proposers of any such regulation；
to attempt to reduce the army would be as dangerous as it has now
become to attempt to diminish in any respect the monopoly which
our manufacturers have obtained against us。 This monopoly has so
much increased the number of some particular tribes of them that；
like an overgrown standing army； they have become formidable to
the government； and upon many occasions intimidate the
legislature。 The Member of Parliament who supports every proposal
for strengthening this monopoly is sure to acquire not only the
reputation of understanding trade； but great popularity and
influence with an order of men whose numbers and wealth render
them of great importance。 If he opposes them； on the contrary；
and still more if he has authority enough to be able to thwart
them； neither the most acknowledged probity； nor the highest
rank； nor the greatest public services can protect him from the
most infamous abuse and detraction； from personal insults； nor
sometimes from real danger； arising from the insolent outrage of
furious and disappointed monopolists。
The undertaker of a great manufacture； who； by the home
markets being suddenly laid open to the competition of
foreigners； should be obliged to abandon his trade； would no
doubt suffer very considerably。 That part of his capital which
had usually been employed in purchasing materials and in paying
his workmen might； without much difficulty； perhaps； find another
employment。 But that part of it which was fixed in workhouses；
and in the instruments of trade； could scarce be disposed of
without considerable loss。 The equitable regard； therefore； to
his interest requires that changes of this kind should never be
introduced suddenly； but slowly； gradually； and after a very long
warning。 The legislature； were it possible that its deliberations
could be always directed； not by the clamorous importunity of
partial interests； but by an extensive view of the general good；
ought upon this very account； perhaps； to be particularly careful
neither to establish any new monopolies of this kind； nor to
extend further those which are already established。 Every such
regulation introduces some degree of real disorder into the
constitution of the state； which it will be difficult afterwards
to cure without occasioning another disorder。
How far it may be proper to impose taxes upon the
importation of foreign goods； in order not to prevent their
importation but to raise a revenue for government； I shall
consider hereafter when I come to treat of taxes。 Taxes imposed
with a view to prevent； or even to diminish importation； are
evidently as destructive of the revenue of the customs as of the
freedom of trade。
CHAPTER III
Of the extraordinary Restraints upon the Importation of Goods of
almost all kinds from those Countries with which the Balance is
supposed to be disadvantageous
PART I
Of the Unreasonableness of those Restraints even upon the
Principles of the Commercial System
TO lay extraordinary restraints upon the those particular
countries with which the importation of goods of almost all kinds
from balance of trade is supposed to be disadvantageous； is the
second expedient by which the commercial system proposes to
increase the quantity of gold and silver。 Thus in Great Britain；
Silesia lawns may be imported for home consumption upon paying
certain duties。 But French cambrics and lawns are prohibited to
be imported； except into the port of London； there to be
warehoused for exportation。 Higher duties are imposed upon the
wines of France than upon those of Portugal； or indeed of any
other country。 By what is called the impost 1692； a duty of
five…and…twenty per cent of the rate or value was laid upon all
French goods； while the goods of other nations were； the greater
part of them； subjected to much lighter duties； seldom exceeding
five per cent。 The wine； brandy； salt and vinegar of France were
indeed excepted； these commodities being subjected to other heavy
duties； either by other laws； or by particular clauses of the
same law。 In 1696； a second duty of twenty…five per cent； the
first not having been thought a sufficient discouragement； was
imposed upon all French goods； except brandy； together with a new
duty of five…and…twenty pounds upon the ton of French wine； and
another of fifteen pounds upon the ton of French vinegar。 French
goods have never been omitted in any of those general subsidies；
or duties of five per cent； which have been imposed upon all； or
the greater part of the goods enumerated in the book of rates。 If
we count the one…third and two…third subsidies as making a
complete subsidy between them； there have been five of these
general subsidies； so that before the commencement of the present
war seventy…five per cent may be considered as the lowest duty to
which the greater part of the goods of the growth； produce； or
manufacture of France were liable。 But upon the greater part of
goods； those duties are equivalent to a prohibition。 The French
in their turn have； I believe； treated our goods and manufactures
just as hardly； though I am not so well acquainted with the
particular hardships which they have imposed upon them。 Those
mutual restraints have put an end to almost all fair commerce
between the two nations； and smugglers are now the principal
importers； either of British goods into France； or of French
goods into Great Britain。 The principles which I have been
examining in the foregoing chapter took their origin from private
interest and the spirit of monopoly； those which I am going to
examine in this； from national prejudice and animosity。 They are；
accordingly； as might well be expected； still more unreasonable。
They are so； even upon the principles of the commercial system。
First； though it were certain that in the case of a free
trade between France and England； for example； the balance would
be in favour of France； it would by no means follow that such a
trade would be disadvantageous to England； or that the general
balance of its whole trade would thereby be turned more against
it。 If the wines of France are better and cheaper than those of
Portugal； or its linens than those of Germany； it would be more
advantageous for Great Britain to purchase both the wine and the
foreign linen which it had occasion for of France than of
Portugal and Germany。 Though the value of the annual importations