democracy in america-1- 第61部分

Self…Control　Of　The　American　Democracy

The　American　people　acquiesces　slowly；　or　frequently　does　not　acquiesce；　in　what　is　beneficial　to　its　interests　…　The　faults　of　the　American　democracy　are　for　the　most　part　reparable。

The　difficulty　which　a　democracy　has　in　conquering　the　passions　and　in　subduing　the　exigencies　of　the　moment；　with　a　view　to　the　future；　is　conspicuous　in　the　most　trivial　occurrences　of　the　United　States。　　The　people；　which　is　surrounded　by　flatterers；　has　great　difficulty　in　surmounting　its　inclinations；　and　whenever　it　is　solicited　to　undergo　a　privation　or　any　kind　of　inconvenience；　even　to　attain　an　end　which　is　sanctioned　by　its　own　rational　conviction；　it　almost　always　refuses　to　comply　at　first。　　The　deference　of　the　Americans　to　the　laws　has　been　very　justly　applauded；　but　it　must　be　added　that　in　America　the　legislation　is　made　by　the　people　and　for　the　people。　　Consequently；　in　the　United　States　the　law　favors　those　classes　which　are　most　interested　in　evading　it　elsewhere。　　It　may　therefore　be　supposed　that　an　offensive　law；　which　should　not　be　acknowledged　to　be　one　of　immediate　utility；　would　either　not　be　enacted　or　would　not　be　obeyed。

In　America　there　is　no　law　against　fraudulent　bankruptcies；　not　because　they　are　few；　but　because　there　are　a　great　number　of　bankruptcies。　　The　dread　of　being　prosecuted　as　a　bankrupt　acts　with　more　intensity　upon　the　mind　of　the　majority　of　the　people　than　the　fear　of　being　involved　in　losses　or　ruin　by　the　failure　of　other　parties；　and　a　sort　of　guilty　tolerance　is　extended　by　the　public　conscience　to　an　offence　which　everyone　condemns　in　his　individual　capacity。　　In　the　new　States　of　the　Southwest　the　citizens　generally　take　justice　into　their　own　hands；　and　murders　are　of　very　frequent　occurrence。　This　arises　from　the　rude　manners　and　the　ignorance　of　the　inhabitants　of　those　deserts；　who　do　not　perceive　the　utility　of　investing　the　law　with　adequate　force；　and　who　prefer　duels　to　prosecutions。

Someone　observed　to　me　one　day；　in　Philadelphia；　that　almost　all　crimes　in　America　are　caused　by　the　abuse　of　intoxicating　liquors；　which　the　lower　classes　can　procure　in　great　abundance；　from　their　excessive　cheapness。　　〃How　comes　it；〃　said　I；　〃that　you　do　not　put　a　duty　upon　brandy？〃　〃Our　legislators；〃　rejoined　my　informant；　〃have　frequently　thought　of　this　expedient；　but　the　task　of　putting　it　in　operation　is　a　difficult　one；　a　revolt　might　be　apprehended；　and　the　members　who　should　vote　for　a　law　of　this　kind　would　be　sure　of　losing　their　seats。〃　〃Whence　I　am　to　infer；〃　replied　I；　〃that　the　drinking　population　constitutes　the　majority　in　your　country；　and　that　temperance　is　somewhat　unpopular。〃　

When　these　things　are　pointed　out　to　the　American　statesmen；　they　content　themselves　with　assuring　you　that　time　will　operate　the　necessary　change；　and　that　the　experience　of　evil　will　teach　the　people　its　true　interests。　　This　is　frequently　true；　although　a　democracy　is　more　liable　to　error　than　a　monarch　or　a　body　of　nobles；　the　chances　of　its　regaining　the　right　path　when　once　it　has　acknowledged　its　mistake；　are　greater　also；　because　it　is　rarely　embarrassed　by　internal　interests；　which　conflict　with　those　of　the　majority；　and　resist　the　authority　ofreason。　　But　a　democracy　can　only　obtain　truth　as　the　result　of　experience；　and　many　nations　may　forfeit　their　existence　whilst　they　are　awaiting　the　consequences　of　their　errors。

The　great　privilege　of　the　Americans　does　not　simply　consist　in　their　being　more　enlightened　than　other　nations；　but　in　their　being　able　to　repair　the　faults　they　may　commit。　　To　which　it　must　be　added；　that　a　democracy　cannot　derive　substantial　benefit　from　past　experience；　unless　it　be　arrived　at　a　certain　pitch　of　knowledge　and　civilization。　　There　are　tribes　and　peoples　whose　education　has　been　so　vicious；　and　whose　character　presents　so　strange　a　mixture　of　passion；　of　ignorance；　and　of　erroneous　notions　upon　all　subjects；　that　they　are　unable　to　discern　the　causes　of　their　own　wretchedness；　and　they　fall　a　sacrifice　to　ills　with　which　they　are　unacquainted。

I　have　crossed　vast　tracts　of　country　that　were　formerly　inhabited　by　powerful　Indian　nations　which　are　now　extinct；　I　have　myself　passed　some　time　in　the　midst　of　mutilated　tribes；　which　witness　the　daily　decline　of　their　numerical　strength　and　of　the　glory　of　their　independence；　and　I　have　heard　these　Indians　themselves　anticipate　the　impending　doom　of　their　race。　　Every　European　can　perceive　means　which　would　rescue　these　unfortunate　beings　from　inevitable　destruction。　　They　alone　are　insensible　to　the　expedient；　they　feel　the　woe　which　year　after　year　heaps　upon　their　heads；　but　they　will　perish　to　a　man　without　accepting　the　remedy。　　It　would　be　necessary　to　employ　force　to　induce　them　to　submit　to　the　protection　and　the　constraint　of　civilization。　

The　incessant　revolutions　which　have　convulsed　the　South　American　provinces　for　the　last　quarter　of　a　century　have　frequently　been　adverted　to　with　astonishment；　and　expectations　have　been　expressed　that　those　nations　would　speedily　return　to　their　natural　state。　　But　can　it　be　affirmed　that　the　turmoil　of　revolution　is　not　actually　the　most　natural　state　of　the　South　American　Spaniards　at　the　present　time？　　In　that　country　society　is　plunged　into　difficulties　from　which　all　its　efforts　are　insufficient　to　rescue　it。　The　inhabitants　of　that　fair　portion　of　the　Western　Hemisphere　seem　obstinately　bent　on　pursuing　the　work　of　inward　havoc。　　If　they　fall　into　a　momentary　repose　from　the　effects　of　exhaustion；　that　repose　prepares　them　for　a　fresh　state　of　frenzy。　　When　I　consider　their　condition；　which　alternates　between　misery　and　crime；　I　should　be　inclined　to　believe　that　despotism　itself　would　be　a　benefit　to　them；　if　it　were　possible　that　the　words　despotism　and　benefit　could　ever　be　united　in　my　mind。

Conduct　Of　Foreign　Affairs　By　The　American　Democracy

Direction　given　to　the　foreign　policy　of　the　United　States　by　Washington　and　Jefferson　…　Almost　all　the　defects　inherent　in　democratic　institutions　are　brought　to　light　in　the　conduct　of　foreign　affairs　…　Their　advantages　are　less　perceptible。

We　have　seen　that　the　Federal　Constitution　entrusts　the　permanent　direction　of　the　external　interests　of　the　nation　to　the　President　and　the　Senate；　*r　which　tends　in　some　degree　to　detach　the　general　foreign　policy　of　the　Union　from　the　control　of　the　people。　　It　cannot　therefore　be　asserted　with　truth　that　the　external　affairs　of　State　are　conducted　by　the　democracy。

＇Footnote　r：　〃The　President；〃　says　the　Constitution；　Art。　II；　sect。　2；　Section　2；　〃shall　have　power；　by　and　with　the　advice　and　consent　of　the　Senate；　to　make　treaties；　provided　two…thirds　of　the　senators　present　concur。〃　The　reader　is　reminded　that　the　senators　are　returned　for　a　term　of　six　years；　and　that　they　are　chosen　by　the　legislature　of　each　State。＇

The　policy　of　America　owes　its　rise　to　Washington；　and　after　him　to　Jefferson；　who　established　those　principles　which　it　observes　at　the　present　day。　　Washington　said　in　the　admirable　letter　which　he　addressed　to　his　fellow…citizens；　and　which　may　be　looked　upon　as　his　political　bequest　to　the　country：　〃The　great　rule　of　conduct　for　us　in　regard　to　foreign　nations　is；　in　extending　our　commercial　relations；　to　have　with　them　as　little　political　connection　as　possible。　　So　far　as　we　have　already　formed　engagements；　let　them　be　fulfilled　with　perfect　good　faith。　　Here　let　us　stop。　　Europe　has　a　set　of　primary　interests　which　to　us　have　none；　or　a　very　remote　relation。　Hence；　she　must　be　engaged　in　frequent　controversies；　the　causes　of　which　are　essentially　foreign　to　our　concerns。　　Hence；　therefore；　it　must　be　unwise　in　us　to　implicate　ourselves；　by　artificial　ties；　in　the　ordinary　vicissitudes　of　her　politics；　or　the　ordinary　combinations　and　collisions　of　her　friendships　or　enmities。　　Our　detached　and　distant　situation　invites　and　enables　us　to　pursue　a　different　course。　　If　we　remain　one　people；　under　an　efficient　government；　the　period　is　not　far　off　when　we　may　defy　material　injury　from　external　annoyance；　when　we　may　take　such　an　attitude　as　will　cause　the　neutrality　we　may　at　any　time　resolve　upon　to　be　scrupulously　respected；　when　belligerent　nations；　under　the　impossibility　of　making　acquisitions　upon　us；　will　not　lightly　hazard　the　giving　us　provocation；　when　we　may　choose　peace　or　war；　as　our　interest；　guided　by　justice；　shall　counsel。　　Why　forego　the　advantages　of　so　peculiar　a　situation？　　Why　quit　our　own　to　stand　upon　foreign　ground？　　Why；　by　interweaving　our　destiny　with　that　of　any　part　of　Europe；　entangle　our　peace　and　prosperity　in　the　toils　of　European　ambition；　rivalship；　interest；　humor；　or　caprice？　　It　is　our　true　policy　to　steer　clear　of　permanent　alliances　with　any　portion　of　the　foreign　world；　so　far；　I　mean；　as　we　are　now　at　liberty　to　do　it；　for　let　me　not　be　understood　as　capable　of　patronizing　infidelity　to　existing　engagements。　　I　hold　the　maxim　no　less　applicable　to　public　than　to　private　affairs；　that　honesty　is　always　the　best　policy。　　I　repeat　it；　therefore；　let　those　engagements　be　observed　in　their　genuine　sense；　but　in　my　opinion　it　is　unnecessary；　and　would　be　unwise；　to　extend　them。　　Taking　care　always　to　keep　ourselves；　by　suitable　establishments；　in　a　respectable　defensive　posture；　we　may　safely　trust　to　temporary　alliances　for　extraordinary　emergencies。〃　In　a　previous　part　of　the　same　letter　Washington　makes　the　following　admirable　and　just　remark：　〃The　nation　which　indulges　towards　another　an　habitual　hatred　or　an　habitual　fondness　is　in　some　degree　a　slave。　　It　is　a　slave　to　its　animosity　or　to　its　affection；　either　of　which　is　sufficient　to　lead　it　astray　from　its　duty　and　its　interest。〃　

The　political　conduct　of　Washington　was　always　guided　by　these　maxims。　He　succeeded　in　maintaining　his　country　in　a　state　of　peace　whilst　all　the　other　nations　of　the　globe　were　at　war；　and　he　laid　it　down　as　a　fundamental　doctrine；　that　the　true　interest　of　the　Americans　consisted　in　a　perfect　neutrality　with　regard　to　the　internal　dissensions　of　the　European　Powers。

Jefferson　went　still　further；　and　he　introduced　a　maxim　into　the　policy　of　the　Union；　which　affirms　that